Why is Orban’s electoral defeat one of the most important events of the decade in European politics? How will it change the right in the European Union? Text translation by Ivan Krastev (Foreign Affairs)

On April 12, 2026, an era passed – Viktor Orbán ceased serving as Prime Minister of Hungary. After 16 years, Peter Magyar replaced him in power. Some journalists tangible This is an indication of the weakness of the right’s position in Europe. But Bulgarian political scientist Ivan disagrees with this assessment. in text He writes in the American magazine Foreign Affairs that Orban’s defeat may lead, ironically, to strengthening the position of the right in Europe. At the same time, they will almost certainly move further and further away from Russia and the United States. “Medusa” retells Krastev’s text.

Orban has created an image of himself as an opponent of globalization, but he has clung too much to Trump’s patronage and ignored domestic problems.

Krastev writes that over the years of leading Hungary, Orbán has become to the right around the world as important a figure as the president of communist Cuba, Fidel Castro, is to the left.

Like Castro, Orbán led a small country that was not considered a major player on the international stage. But like Cuba for the left under Castro, Hungary under Orbán has become the intellectual, institutional and financial center of the European right. Many influential foreign guests with conservative views were given a luxurious welcome in Budapest. They even stayed to work in Hungary.

Orban’s government granted political asylum to the former Polish Minister of Justice, right-wing politician Zbigniew Ziobro, who was accused at the end of 2025 and the beginning of 2026 of embezzling budget funds and spying on journalists and opposition figures. As well as the former Prime Minister of the Republic of Macedonia, Nikola Gruevski, against whom a criminal case was opened in his homeland in 2017 on charges of illegally acquiring an armored Mercedes car worth 600,000 euros.

Orbán’s popularity in Hungary has been facilitated by his Euroscepticism and criticism of globalization – for example, in the mid-2000s, he spoke out against He plans German Chancellor Angela Merkel on accepting refugees from the Middle East into the European Union. As a result, by the end of the 2000s, Orban had gained a reputation as a reliable ideological partner for Donald Trump and Vladimir Putin.

Why is Orban’s electoral defeat one of the most important events of the decade in European politics? How will it change the right in the European Union? Text translation by Ivan Krastev (Foreign Affairs)

As Krastev writes, the head of the Hungarian government instilled in the American president the belief that the Eastern European countries were close in views to the Republican Party. For Putin, Orban has been a useful ally in the EU: for example, it was he who since February 2026 blocked the initiative to transfer a 90 billion euro loan to Ukraine, as well as on a regular basis. criticize Vladimir Zelensky accused him of trying to drag Hungary into a conflict with Russia. by Data Hungarian investigators, as thanks, the Russian leadership sent Russian political strategists to help Orban before the elections.

However, as Krastev notes, despite his status as the leader of the EU’s conservatives, Orbán, unnoticed himself, has turned to one of those he most strongly opposed – a globalist. In his early 2026 campaign, he focused less on his own voters and more on foreign politicians (especially Vance and Trump). His speech was mainly concerned with the international situation and Hungary’s position in the world, and Orbán paid almost no attention to internal problems.

Orban’s closeness to Trump did not attract right-wing Hungarians, but rather alienated them. As Krastev writes, the US president has shown himself to be “a nationalist incapable of understanding nationalism — especially the nationalism of other countries.” Trump called on his allies to recognize Washington’s unconditional superiority and to swear loyalty to the United States. Many Europeans – even on the right – felt that Americans despised their countries.

As one example of this situation, Krastev cites the case in which Trump posted an AI-generated video of himself playing the role of the Pope on social networks, which immediately made waves. Accusations In mocking the religion of others. When Trump clashed with Pope Leo XIV because he called for an end to the American war against Iran, Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni His name The US President’s statements are unacceptable. Previously, Meloni was considered one of the main supporters of MAGA ideology in Europe, but in March 2026 she became… to reject Participation in hostilities in the Middle East on the side of the United States.

According to Krastev, this indicates a change in the attitude of the European right towards Trump: proximity to the US president has turned into a serious threat to their reputation.

Orban’s election defeat underscores this trend—Hungarian voters may interpret the prime minister’s devotion to Trump as a signal that Washington’s interests are more important to him than his country’s. Orban’s rival, Peter Magyar, who also promoted a conservative agenda, spoke less about international politics and foreign conflicts, but rather about the standard of living and the daily difficulties faced by his citizens. Perhaps this is what led him to victory.

10 days ago, Peter Magyar defeated Viktor Orbán in a historic election in Hungary Here’s what he’s said and done since then (while not serving as Prime Minister)

10 days ago, Peter Magyar defeated Viktor Orbán in a historic election in Hungary Here’s what he’s said and done since then (while not serving as Prime Minister)

The Kremlin hoped to use Orban to divide the European Union. Now Putin no longer has the same reliable allies in Europe

During the election race in Hungary, Orban talks with Putin His name His country is like a “mouse” ready to help the Russian “lion”. But now the Kremlin is without its most loyal supporter in the European Union. Immediately after the change of government in Hungary, the E.U Agreed Issuing a loan to Ukraine worth 90 billion euros, of which 60 billion euros are allocated to strengthen the military industry.

What is no less important, according to Krastev, is that it will now be difficult for the Kremlin to adopt a “divide and rule” policy towards Europe. No other European leader is willing to take on the role of Russia’s proxy power that Orban originally played.

Krastev suggests that Russia, having missed the opportunity to block European initiatives through Orban, may opt for a more aggressive strategy – in particular, intensifying cyber attacks and pressure on other EU members. One of the options for the development of events is military aggression: it is beneficial for Russia to increase tension now, since relations between Europe and the United States have deteriorated under Trump, and European countries have not had enough time to arm themselves to participate in a large-scale conflict. The other option is to reach an agreement between Moscow and Washington behind the backs of European countries and without security guarantees for them.

Krastev expects: The European right will try to distance itself from Washington and Moscow and will find a common language with Brussels.

Krastev believes that Orban’s defeat does not mean at all the decline of European right-wing populists. In his opinion, the right-wing and radical forces will not become less popular in the near future, but will change a lot.

Krastev believes that one of the signs of the development of the European right is not only the victory of the Hungarian, who tried to distance himself from international conflicts, but also the fact that Orban admitted defeat – unlike, for example, Trump in 2020. This indicates that conservatives and nationalists in Europe were more integrated into the political mainstream compared to the United States.

Krastev believes that the main trend in European politics in the coming years will be the retention of sovereignty. This means that the right in different countries, following the example of the Hungarians, will try to distance themselves from the unpredictable “toxic” partners – Russia and the United States.

It seems that Moscow and Washington are providing patronage to small European countries, but in return they are demanding support for conflicts (with Ukraine and Iran, respectively), spoiling the reputation of their partners on the international scene, and constantly trying to impose their will. The desire to resist “bullying” by Trump and Putin may become common ground between European right-wing populists and liberal elites.

According to Krastev, right-wingers in Europe are now less interested in cooperating with the United States and Russia than in partnering with the European Union. In this regard, Georgia Meloni herself can become a role model – she supports Ukraine, listens to Brussels and remains aloof from Trump’s campaign in the Middle East.

As the European right becomes more actively integrated into the political mainstream, the opposite process occurs: liberal centrists adopt elements of the populist rhetoric of right-wing dissidents. For example, German Chancellor Friedrich Merz followed the leaders of right-wing parties in 2025 Named For the mass deportation of immigrants and maleAnd it is because of them that Europeans are afraid to visit public places.

Krastev believes that the elections in Hungary may represent a shift of the European right from Moscow and Washington to Brussels. Before Orban’s defeat, they were seen primarily as puppets of Putin and Trump. Now, although they will continue to criticize the liberal forces in their countries and the European Union, they will become much closer to them.

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